What they're saying…
Excerpts from editorials in newspapers around the world on current events, from the Associated Press.
Jan. 10
Yomiuri Shimbun, Tokyo, on Japan's economic offensive:
Stock markets around the world opened higher at the beginning of the new year, reflecting a global economic boom.
And the Japanese economy is expected to see the end of long-running deflation. The consumer price index in November increased compared to a year ago for the first time since April 1998.
It is high time for the Japanese economy to change to the offensive to unlock the future.
The biggest issue for the government at the moment is to pull the nation out of deflation once and for all and to put the nation's economy on track to full-fledged, stable growth with economic plans accurately reflecting business trends.
The government also must show clear goals in dealing with mid- and long-term issues such as the progress of fiscal, tax and structural reform plans, and building an economy vital enough to sustain Japan's aging and declining population.
In external economic policy, it is important to accelerate establishment of free trade frameworks at multilateral, bilateral and regional levels.
As a trading country, this nation will face serious problems if it misses out on the global trend to extend its network of bilateral and regional trade pacts in addition to a possible failure of the Doha Round.
The government should make whatever concessions necessary in trade talks to unfailingly make profits, and Japan must try to work for coprosperity with other countries and areas around the world, including Asian nations.
Now is the only chance for Japan to switch to the offensive with a clear-cut strategy in trade negotiations.
Jan. 11
La Stampa, Milan, on Iran removing U.N. seals on its uranium enrichment equipment:
Why has (Iran) done it? One can imagine various reasons. One is the desire to calm any internal unrest caused by President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad's radicalism by exploiting the popular theme of independence and autonomy in national decision making. Another is that of strengthening negotiations with Russia that is traditionally a friend (of Iran) ... Or even that the newly elected Ahmadinejad is serious and has decided to play the nuclear card all the way. It should be noted that this latest move, following his incendiary denial of the existence of Israel ... may be designed to put Iran at the head of an anti-Western and anti-Israeli front that could gain support in various parts of the Arab world.
It is certain that Iran and its aspirations of being a global nuclear power demonstrate to the international community that in 2006 it is significantly loaded with uncertainty and risk.
Jan. 10
Financial Times, London, on Samuel Alito:
Few positions in the world confer as much power and autonomy as that of a Justice of the U.S. Supreme Court. If confirmed in his post, Samuel Alito will help shape the character of national life potentially for decades to come, ruling not only on the most contentious issues of today, but on future cases of great consequence as yet unimagined. It therefore behooves the Senate to examine the nominee respectfully but thoroughly over the weeks ahead.
Thankfully, it appears that in spite of the best efforts of partisans on both sides to present the nomination in starkly ideological terms, the U.S. public wants a reasonable, nuanced hearing. The question is not whether Mr. Alito is a conservative. Twenty-one years ago, he wrote in a job application "I am and have always been a conservative." Rather the question is what kind of conservative he would be: whether he has the character and judicial philosophy befitting a Supreme Court Justice.
Mr. Alito should expect a tougher ride than John Roberts, who sailed through the Senate on a 78-22 vote last September. His far lengthier career as a judge offers far more meat for critics to chew on. But this is a good thing. Candidates with records are preferable to "stealth candidates" precisely because of the greater opportunity for scrutiny this affords. The Supreme Court is in transition. While the notion that the seat Sandra Day O'Connor is vacating ought to be reserved for a moderate is quaint, it is nonetheless likely that her replacement by Mr. Alito would shift the balance of the Court more than the apparently like-for-like exchange of Mr. Roberts for William Rehnquist.
There is nothing in Mr. Alito's past that rules him out in advance. His track record is solidly conservative. Yet his most controversial rulings and dissents largely reflect his application of Supreme Court precedent, rather than judgement on the merits of cases.
Senators should not expect Mr. Alito to declare his hand on specific cases likely to come before the Court. Rather, they should aim to explore his broad judicial philosophy, seeking assurance that he is an incremental conservative, not a rightwing radical in robes.
Three general areas stand out. How far would Mr. Alito consider himself bound by precedent as a member of the Supreme Court? How restrictive a view does he take of the commerce clause, the basis of much federal economic regulation? And how far is he willing to defer to the executive? Arlen Specter, the Republican chairman of the Senate judiciary committee, rightly identifies executive prerogative as the most pressing issue of all. Senators should ask Mr. Alito a simple question: what does he see as the broad constitutional limits to commander-in-chief authority in times of war? The quality of his answer should weigh heavily in the final decision as to whether or not to confirm him.